The Work of Scientists
In the 1970s socialogists started increasingly looking into the mundane work of scientists
Laboratories allows you to observe experimental work, a central part of scientific activity
The general idea: let’s look at the scientists as anthopologists look at distant tribes
How claims produced/constructed in the laboratory come to count as pieces of knowledge?
“Facts” are decisions made by scientists; they are negotiated, so it is interesting to look the process of negotiation from a micro-sociological perspective
Rhetorical maneuvers help shape what other scientists will accept
Scientific practices in the lab are similar to practices of ordinary life outside the lab, and there is no strict demarcation between science as done in laboratories and non-science outside of laboratories
Scientists learn how to interpret lab results in the certain way that is not clear to the outsider
This happens because they learn to filter out some “irrelevant” information and focus on the “relevant” one
However, this distinction between irrelevant and relevant is conditional and historical; it changes with time
Laboratires are messy places: things never go the way it is expected
Lab crew has to develop a wide set of tacit skills and knowledge: tinkering (Knorr Cetina 1981) or bricolage (Latour and Woolgar 1986)
Tacit knowledge (Polanyi 1858) refers to knowledge that cannot be formally coded and expressed. It is opposed to Explicit Knowledge
Explicit: Water freezes at 0 C
Tacit: How to ride a bicycle
Collins in 1974 applied the idea of tacit knowledge to the construction of a Transversely Excited Atmospheric Laser, or TEA-laser
he interviewed researchers at six different British laboratories, all of which were trying to build versions of a TEA-laser
He argued that nobody “succeeded in building a laser by using only information found in published or other written sources”
The transfer of knowledge about how to build the laser required more than simply a set of instructions; it required the passing on of a skill
Collins went on to argue that some scientific knowledge is inevitably tacit
Since tacit knowledge cannot be codified, it can only be passed on via social action
Hence, scientific knowledge is produced with the certain amount of social factor that defines the way tacit knowledge passes through generations of scientists
Expertise can never be entirely formalized
“Data” comes from the Latin for “givens”
But creating data requires a lot of pre-work
The way data is produced is often local: it relies on many assumptions specific to a context
If observation is not a straightforward process, how does data ever become stable enough to form the basis of arguments?
We might look at how researchers decide on the nature of data, and how they construct evidence for public consumption
Lab studies were mostly focused on the language of everyday communication between scientists
They looked at the research process as narratives and were analyzing structures of those narratives using insights from semiotics and literature studies
E.g. let’s imagine that the electron is the main character, what does he do, what other characters do, how does they relationship evolve
What they observed was that scientists tend to interpret observations aligning them with the commonly existing narratives
Behind-the-scenes laboratory work is not included in papers
When something is not working as intended, it is externalized: human error, untuned device, bad data
But all the doubts are purified from the final account: everything looks like it was intended that way
As Latour and Woolgar put it, the actual work is based on the decision made by scientists; they are the agents
But after the work is published, they grant all the agency to reality or data
Think of the phrase: “out data shows that X affects Y”
All the arbitrariness behind has been purified by granting agency to data
Scientists behave as if they are mere vessels of reality’s will
So the messy practical work is never presented in papers
Papers give an image of an orderly nature, where nature smoothly translates into data
The work of the laboratory assumes that the nature is orderly, and thus it cancels itself out from the self-image of science as irrelevant
Sharon Traweek’s (1988) Beamtimes and Lifetimes: Ethnographic studies of high-energy physic labs
How the male tale is constructed: that is how the narrative that physics is a business for men is reproduced
How wider cultural beliefs about space and time enter into the construction of scientific facts
Scientific domains differ in their ways of interpreting knowledge: they have different epistemic cultures (Knorr-Cetina 1999)
For example, high energy physics works with very small objects that cannot be directly observed; they can be detected with special equipment and simulated with computers
Knowledge is produced within large groups that have complex organization
Molecular biology, however, works with more palpable objects, their laboratories are smaller.
Manual skills are very important both for working with the material and observing it
Science needs to be funded, obviously
How to decide what deserves funding is not clear
Something that can be applied to real world problems?
Something that taps into fundamental questions of nature?
Who is to decide where to channel funds? Scientists? Officials? Tax-payers?
Ministry of Science and Education holds grant competition every 3-4 years (for example, in 2015 and 2018)
Data on applications are open; we augmented it with data on principle investigators (projects’ heads).
The decision on funding was controlled by selection commitee members (mostly men)
Who are the main characters behind the “spontaneous generation” affair?
Describe the gist of the argument?
What kind of experiments Paster and Pouchet were staging?
How the French academics were deciding on who won the competition
Did Paster win because he was a true scientists?
What would happen if Pouchet wouldn’t give up and continued to stage experiments with hay infusion?