Introduction

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How do images like the ones above influence our perception of the relationship between the two Koreas? If one was exposed to limited information about the inter-Korean relationship, what conclusions might they draw? In 2018, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea walked together under one flag at the Winter Olympics held in Pyeongchang, Republic of Korea. They walked under a white flag with a blue depiction of the Korean peninsula, unified, as both countries hope, in different ways, to be one day. The picture above seems to hide the years of war, failed diplomatic talks, and the lack of resolution on the Korean peninsula about their identity as a singular or separate nations. Instead, it demonstrates a rare moment of joy, of unity, however manufactured, along with a majority white flag, traditionally representative of peace. This gap between the picture’s direct message and the true nature of the scenario reflects an age-old problem in visual communication of international relations: the gap between the representation (in this case, this image) and the represented (the Koreans of both nations).

Within this difference between the representation and the represented, there are other issues at play. First and foremost, there is frequently a power difference between the messenger and the subject of the message. Foreign aid and disaster relief visual messaging are frequent victims of this. Beyond this perhaps unintentional exercise of power, there is also the purposeful exercise of power; ⊕ What does this image of North Korean citizens mourning Kim Jong Il communicate? How might they object to the way they were portrayed outside of North Korea, and was there a full understanding of the circumstances under which their image would be published? countries regularly employ visual messaging as a tactic for soft power, whether for tourism or for international political purposes. Finally, it is important to employ an emerging ideology, that this ‘gap’ between reality and the displayed isn’t always a negative, and can be instead used to assist in alternative methods of learning about the politics at play between nations. For example, perhaps the unusual flag in the display causes an interested person to spend some time researching the situation between the two nations, or causes them to consider a reality in which the Koreas were unified. These three notions, power difference, power usage, and alternative methods of knowing will be explored further in this project.

Power Difference

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Being able to access all this information about the worst parts of our world requires investigation into how we are communicating and receiving this information, especially visually. In one of the most famous articles in the political science visual communication field, Bleiker’s “The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory” (2005), the transition from a mimetic to an aesthetic interpretation of visuals in international politics is discussed. Mimetic views these images as direct reflections of the reality, with no necessity for interpretation, while aesthetic argues the necessity of interpretation, as there is a gap that exists between the representation and the represented that needs to be acknowledged and processed. Bleiker calls this using the “full register of human intelligence” (Bleiker, 2005, p. 529). When confronted with visual representations of political happenings, it is important to ask what the narrative is that underlies the visual, and how it may have been manipulated to benefit the producer. It is especially important as the abundance of visual news sources, newspapers, televisions, social media, magazines, only increases and the average person experiences an overload of negative news, numbing them to the messages they were intended to deliver.

The most clear example of the importance of identifying the gap comes when a power difference exists not only between the representation and the represented, but also the receiver and the represented. Key areas where power is perhaps obfuscated are in disaster and aid messaging. These visuals are frequently captured by those who are not part of the affected community, and when they are, they can still be employed in ways that alter the message the community hopes to extend. When these visuals are displayed to the receptive audience, usually in a country that is not the visualized country, the message may be very different from what the visualized audience is truly experiencing (Jhala, 2004).

⊕ There are important questions to ask when confronted with images like this. Is this the story this woman wanted told about her? How does the power difference between the photographer and the subject play a role in this image? How does the power difference between the audience of the photograph and the subject affect how its interpreted? In this sense, a power imbalance exists between the consumer of the media and those displayed in the media. This is thoroughly discussed in the article “Visual Methodologies : Theorizing Disasters and International Relations” (Jauhola, 2022). The article discusses ‘photo-elicitation’, the use of photos to start conversations, and also the ethical dilemma that arises from this practice: the use of images of others’ pain for gain. There is also the practice described in Jhala (2004) as the ‘television method’, where victims of disasters act a certain way, a way they have seen reflected in tragedies before them, in order to elicit the correct emotions from the viewing audience, and perhaps elicit the correct monetary response.

⊕ What message is/was the American public receiving about the Iraq War? Another similar message is found in war messaging. There is a power imbalance between parties of war. One party will, by nature, always be at a disadvantage in the others’ media. The visual messaging of each country will also deliver a specific ideological message, whether to support the war, whose stories are important, which sources should be trusted. This is clear in messaging in the United States produced during the time shortly after the Iraq War. In “Visually Framing the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq in TIME, Newsweek, and U.S. News & World Report” (Schwalbe, 2013), they conclude that the visual narrative in the United States focused on the conflict, politicians, and human interest pieces. Notably, women and children, of either nationality, were not present in the dominant narratives. The injured and the dead were also excluded, as were any narratives that could be deemed anti-war. This visual narrative gave a very specific message to the American people, but also erased the Iraqi citizens’ perspective (Schwalbe, 2013).

Power Usage

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President Zelensky (of Ukraine) tweets a message of solidarity for the victims of the school shooting in Ulvade, Texas, despite being actively at war.
Images like these were spread far and wide after the shooting in Paris, France in 2015.
UN’s poster for International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia, & Transphobia

As we enter into the digital age, countries have adapted their visual communication as a result. Social media has been a driving force in visual communication, with countries using their presence to impart a specific message on the global audience, in a way that is much easier than it was before. The article “Visual narratives of global politics in the digital age: an introduction” (Crilley, Manor & Bjola, 2020) starts with a striking example of the American social media presence manipulating a narrative of China’s absence at a New Start meeting (see screenshot of the tweet on the right). These New Start talks were bilateral between the United States and Russia, China played no role in these talks. However, anyone who followed Special Envoy Billingslea and no one else (the Chinese Director General of the Department of Arms Control later tweeted his shock about incident) may be under the impression that China had decided to abandon these nuclear arms talks, as the United States envoy set up Chinese flags and empty chairs to signal an absence (Crilley, Manor & Bjola, 2020).

Social media has presented countries with the opportunity to give wide audiences a narrative they are in control of. Twitter diplomacy, as it has become known, is a convenient method for countries to respond to either their allies or their rivals at a rapid pace. Cilley, Manor & Bjola (2020) explain that diplomatic social media presences “narrate global events, explain their countries’ foreign policies, engage with a globally connected public sphere, and to challenge misinformation and propaganda” (p. 632). Ninety-eight percent of countries have some sort of social media presence, and so do a lot of non-state actors, including terror groups like ISIS. Fear is spread by these state and non-state actors, but solidarity is also spread through these channels. State and non-state actors, including private citizens, use social media to extend sympathy when tragedies occur. They also help movements form internationally, such as the #MeToo movement, and Black Lives Matter (Cilley, Manor & Bjola, 2020).

International organizations use social media similarly. They employ it “to rally global public support for policies…to secure funding and to disseminate a shared and coherent foreign policy” (Cilley, Manor & Bjola, 2020, p. 632). They use the platforms to interact with their audience, with the messaging having a new dimension in comparison to old one-way communication. The audience can immediately interact with the messaging, provide feedback, and the organization can adjust if need be. In this sense, visual communication in this new age has a two-fold usefulness, one for communicating their message to the audience and one for receiving immediate feedback for the organization.

Alternative Ways of Knowing

⊕ During the pandemic, false information regarding COVID-19 spread faster than many social media websites anticipated. Meta, like many other social media sites, now has controls against mis/disinformation, although their efficacy is questionable. There is one more benefit to the age of social media, democratizing the power of visuals. Every person with internet access can create and communicate a visual narrative of their choosing, meaning that not only those in power control the narrative any longer. It reduces the power imbalance between the audience and those captured in the media. Social media allowed citizens of countries experiencing the Arab Spring to give the international audience a visual to the situation in country. Countries therefore feel the threat of social media; it is frequently the first to go when democracy is cracked down on, for example in Sri Lanka recently (Kapur, 2022). There is a drawback to this though, as misinformation spreads just as quickly as the truth. The power has shifted, but similar problems exist, as those with knowledge are treated the same as those without.

⊕ Crow: The Legend is a Disney movie that is inspired by the Cherokee legend of the First Fire, and the Lenape legend of the Rainbow Crow (although the latter legend’s origin is disputed by the tribe itself). Scholars in the political science visual communication field have introduced alternative ways of knowing as a bridge between the old style of international relations communication, which was highly driven by powerful actors, and the new, much more democratized style of communication. This idea suggests that the visual communication field is perhaps due for some democratization of its own, and those who have historically lacked power in the field be invited to the table to introduce their ideas on communicating ideas or messages visually. In the Americas, this looks like inviting Native Americans in, and learning from their historical and cultural methods of communication, which frequently relies on story-telling that leaves room for the unsaid (Jauhola, 2022).

⊕ After Maria: Everyday Recovery from Disaster is a prime example of an alternative way of visual communicating political science. Another alternative is integrating more forms of visuals into international relations and political science communication. Beyond academic papers and political imagery, there is space for other visuals to grow. Most notable might be the usage of comic books and graphic novels in this pursuit. After Maria: Everyday Recovery from Disaster (Sou & Douglas, 2019) communicates research on low-income victims of Hurricane Maria and their lives following the aftermath of the disaster. This book communicates real research, but employs a non-standard method of communicating it, opening the field to a larger variety of possibilities going forward, but also expanding the audience beyond academics and into the general public.

Conclusion

There are very good reasons for exploring visual communication in the political science/international relations field. As hinted at previously, the ease in spread of information also eases the spread of disinformation. Media literacy is hence essential for all those consuming visual media, but of interest and concern here are those consuming media that has a political objective. Without an ability to discern these messages, those who were granted access into the visual messaging world through the democratization driven by social media are and will continue to be influenced by those in power or those looking to wield it. This cross-section of visual communication studies and political science is thankfully a field that is experiencing active growth, and hopefully will continue to in the future, especially as social media (and access to it) is becoming a decisive factor in the manners that people execute political power, both domestically and internationally.