Please note. Throughout this memo partisan baselines for each district are calculated as the average of the 2020 presidential, 2018 gubernatorial, and 2016 presidential elections. Seats “won” by either party are calculated by applying a uniform swing to this partisan baseline. This does not take into account incumbency effects.
I define a “competitive” seat as one with a partisan baseline of 5 points or less. In other words, neither party typically receives more than 52.5% of the 2-party vote. By this definition, the current maps contain 9 competitive Assembly seats. The WI Legislature’s plan would reduce this to 7. Common Sense Wisconsin would raise it to 11. The People’s Map Commission would create 14.
| Partisan lean of seats in proposed maps | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Democratic | Republican | |||||
| 0-5 D | 5-10 D | Safe D | 0-5 R | 5-10 R | Safe R | |
| People's Map Commission | 6 | 8 | 30 | 8 | 5 | 42 |
| Common Sense Wisconsin | 3 | 7 | 29 | 8 | 6 | 46 |
| WI 2011 | 4 | 5 | 29 | 5 | 7 | 49 |
| WI Legislature | 2 | 2 | 32 | 5 | 5 | 53 |
This graph shows the number of Assembly seats won by Democrats depending on the statewide vote swing. By far the best map for Democrats is that proposed by the People’s Map Commission. Under this plan, Democrats could expect to win 44 seats in a statewide tie. To win a majority (50 seats), they would need to win the state by about 3.6 points (i.e. 51.8% of the 2-party vote).
The plan proposed by the Wisconsin Legislature is substantially worse than even the existing plan. If that plan were enacted, Democrats would likely win 36 seats in a statewide tie. They would need to win the state by 12.4 points in order to carry a majority of seats (i.e. 56.2%).
| Democratic electoral performance across selected district plans | ||
|---|---|---|
| seats in statewide tie | minimum swing for majority | |
| Common Sense Wisconsin | 38 | 7.5 |
| People's Map Commission | 44 | 3.6 |
| WI 2011 | 37 | 8.6 |
| WI Legislature | 36 | 12.4 |
The map below shows how districts would change under each scheme. Each pin shows the residence of the current incumbent. Toggle between different baselayers to see how the districts would change.
Where possible, addresses were taken from the “voting address” listed on each legislator’s official profile. When this was unavailable, I used the address listed on the incumbent’s most recent election filing. It is possible, even likely, that some legislators have moved since then.
Please note. I believe Scott Allen (R-97) has likely moved. He does not list a full address on his legislator profile, but he does list a zip code (53188) which differs from the zip code of his address in 2020 (53189). This makes sense, because his 2020 address would place him ever-so-slightly in a district with 2 other Republican legislators under the Republican legislature’s plan. In reality, I expect his new address is in the Republican legislature’s redrawn District 97, which otherwise contains no resident incumbent.