Today, we talk about the logic underlying racially polarized voting (RPV) analyses. Specifically, we cover:
how you define it
how you harvest data for it
how it works (we will do a math-based discussion later; right now, we focus on the “logic”)
RPV analyses in light of the Shelby decision
Racially polarized voting exists when voters of different racial or ethnic groups exhibit very different candidate preferences in an election.
It means simply that voters of different groups are voting in polar opposite directions, rather than in a coalition.
This does not mean voters are racist; RPV analyses only measure outcomes and determine whether patterns exist
Bottom line: minority voters are voting one way, and non-minority voters are voting another way
But since White voters are (typically) more numerous in the at-large system, minority voters systematically lose.
RPV analysis is about the individual voters within a jurisdiction. It does not imply that a governing body or appointed officials are acting in a discriminatory fashion.
Even if a governing body is well intentioned, the individual voters may behave in a way that blocks minority representation.
You need to establish a pattern of racially polarized voting
One single election does not make or break the case
Single elections can be informative, but usually courts ask to see patterns across multiple election contests
Defining a minority-preferred candidate
RPV can vary in intensity, and you can quantify it using statistical analysis that have been accepted by the courts.
We have data collection methods that can tell us electoral preferences within a jurisdiction. We can also obtain demographic data, which allows us to determine how certain constituencies are voting.
While controversial in other contexts a technique called Ecological Inference (EI) that has been accepted by courts as a reliable method.
RPV analyses can take on many flavors
Some scholars do them qualitatively (using interviews, forcus groups, etc.)
Others analyze public records or legal documents, etc. using an historical (rather than social science) approach
Even within the social sciences, analysts make compelling arguments using survey-based (e.g., exit poll) data.
There are many ways to use evidence. We will focus here on using statistics to explore archival data.
Archival evidence comes from public databases
Election results at (across jurisdictions) come from official county registrar of voters websites
Voter’s ethnicity data comes from official records:
Start by looking at endogenous elections—i.e., those being challenged by the lawsuit (e.g. city council…)
Analysis should also bring in exogenous elections (i.e., those not related to case)
Federal Voting Rights Acts
15th Amendment: “the right to vote shall not be denied or abridged on the basis of race, color or previous condition of servitude…”
1964 Civil Rights Act (CRA): Title I calls for any qualifications for voter registration to be applied equally to all, prohibits a voter from being rejected for non-material errors on an application, and outlines specific requirements for literacy tests.
1965 Voting Rights Act (VRA)
Section 2 prohibits any voting standards, practices, or procedures (including redistricting plans) that denies or dilutes minority voting strength.
Section 5 requires covered jurisdictions to submit any election changes (including redistricting plans) to the DOJ. To obtain preclearance, a jurisdiction must demonstrate that the change does not have a:
Polarization and dilution (as discussed in the 1965 VRA)
Vote dilution analysis should be conducted to ensure that a proposed redistricting plan does not fragment/ submerge/unnecessarily pack a geographically-concentrated minority population.
If a jurisdiction is covered by Section 5, then the analysis should be conducted to ensure that the proposed redistricting plan is not retrogressive (compared to the plan in place) with regard to minority voting strength.
Polarization and dilution (as discussed in the 1965 VRA)
According to Thornburg v. Gingles (1986) (the first Supreme Court case to interpret the 1982 amendments to the VRA incorporating as a “results test”), racial polarization is the evidentiary linchpin of a vote dilution claim.
Racial bloc voting analysis is required to determine if minorities vote cohesively and if Whites bloc-vote to defeat minority-preferred candidates (2 of the 3 Gingles preconditions for establishing illegal vote dilution).
Section 5 regulations also point to “the extent to which voting in the jurisdiction is racially polarized” as a factor considered in making preclearance determinations.
Assessing the degree of polarized voting (based on standards established in Gingles):
Minority group must be of sufficient size & geographically compact enough to allow for the creation of a group-specifc single-member district.
Must show that minority group is politically cohesive.
Must show that minority’s candidate of choice is typically defeated by the majority voting bloc.
Assessing the degree of polarized voting, cont’d.
When checking for racially polarized voting, ask yourself:
Does a candidate of choice exist for minority voters?
Do majority voters usually defeat the minority-preferred candidate?
The “sufficient size” standard gets explored indirectly (oftentimes, as an artifact of our empirical tests)
To summarize…
Shelby County v. Holder (2013):
Supreme Court held that it is unconstitutional to use the coverage formula in Section 4(b) of the VRA to determine which jurisdictions are subject to the preclearance requirement of Section 5.
Supreme Court did not rule on the constitutionality of Section 5 itself.
Shelby County v. Holder (2013):
Because of Shelby, jurisdictions identified by the coverage formula" in Section 4(b) no longer need preclearance for new voting changes
Since the Shelby decision…
In the summer of 2016, the Fourth Circuit found that NC’s newly-implemented voting restrictions “target[ed] African-Americans with almost surgical precision.”
Since the 2016 election, federal courts issued successive decisions finding that states and localities engaged in intentional discrimination in formulating their voting and election rules.
Since the 2020 election, there have been even more challenges to voting access, voting rights, the perceived legitimacy of the election, etc.
These decisions partially resulted from increasingly aggressive and discriminatory tactics by state legislators.
The need for RPV analyses is clear, for attemtps at voter suppression, dilution, etc. are on the rise.
We therefore need concerted efforts in the wake of Shelby to hold jurisdictions fully accountable for their actions
And we can do this by alleging and proving claims of intentional discrimination (rather than relying solely on Section 2)
Working around the limits (Lang and Herbert 2018)
Intentional discrimination claims—brought where appropriate and supported by the evidence—force an appraisal of the true motives underlying laws passed behind the “cloak of ballot integrity.” These claims can help spark a discussion about the continuing impact of racial discrimination in elections, and remind us how far we still have to go.
Lang, Danielle and J. Gerald Hebert. 2018. “A Post-Shelby Strategy: Exposing Discriminatory Intent in Voting Rights Litigation.” Yale Law Journal 127: 779 - 792.