23 June 2019

Outline

  • poll averaging model and results for 2019
  • house effects, house-specific biases
  • herding

State-space model for poll averaging: setup & notation

  • Jackman (2005; 2009); Jackman & Mansillo (2018).
  • Let \(t\) index the \(T\) = 1,051 days between 2016 election and 2019 election.
  • Poll \(p\) fielded on day \(t\) by polling company \(j\) yields a estimated voting intention, a proportion \(\color{cyan}{y_p} \in [0,1]\), with sample size \(\color{cyan}{n_p}\). Variance of this estimate is approximately \(\color{cyan}{V_p = y_p (1-y_p)/n_p}\).
  • True, latent voting intentions on day \(t\) are \(\color{orange}{\xi_t}\). These are observed exactly on Election Days 2016 and 2019, \(\color{orange}{\xi_1}\) and \(\color{orange}{\xi_T}\), respectively.
  • Polling company \(j\) has a time-invariant “house effect” \(\color{orange}{\delta_j}\), such that \(E(\color{cyan}{y_p}) = \color{orange}{\xi_{t(p)}} + \color{orange}{\delta_{j(p)}}\).

State-space model for poll averaging

  • Measurement model: \(\color{cyan}{y_{p}} \sim N(\color{orange}{\xi_{t(p)}} + \color{orange}{\delta_{j(p)}} \, , \, \color{cyan}{V_p})\)

  • Dynamic model: \(\color{orange}{\xi_t} \sim N(\color{orange}{\xi_{t-1}}, \color{orange}{\omega^2})\), with the endpoint constraints from election results observed on \(\color{orange}{\xi_1}\) and \(\color{orange}{\xi_T}\).

  • Given published polls, \(\color{cyan}{\boldsymbol{y}}\), sample sizes, field dates and identity of polling companies — and the model — recover

  1. trajectory of latent voting intentions \(\color{orange}{\boldsymbol{\xi}} = (\color{orange}{\xi_1}, \ldots, \color{orange}{\xi_T})'\)
  2. house effects: \(\color{orange}{\boldsymbol{\delta}} = (\color{orange}{\delta_1}, \ldots, \color{orange}{\delta_J})'\)
  3. “pace of change” parameter (innovation variance), \(\color{orange}{\omega^2}\).
  • Augment model with unknown step/discontinuity \(\color{orange}{\gamma}\) in \(\color{orange}{\boldsymbol{\xi}}\) trajectory, for Turnbull/Morrison turnover on 28 August 2018 (day 788).

Data

  • 220 polls, fielded between 2016 and 2019 elections
  • 6 distinct polling companies
n
Essential 108
Ipsos 18
Newspoll 58
ReachTEL 13
Roy Morgan 8
YouGov 15

ALP first preferences

LNP first preferences

GRN first preferences

LNP two-party preferred

House effects, first preferences

Two-party preferred

2019 house effects are large by historical standards

Did the polls “herd”?

What is herding and how can we detect it

  • for election polling, the truth will out; commerical implications
  • survey houses have choices about weighting etc, by survey houses, typically after data collection, before publishing results.
  • better to be wrong with others than wrong on your own, but apparently not for Ipsos.

from Nobel laureates..

…to 538…

Theory: herding manifests as underdispersion

  • suppose true level of voting intentions is \(\color{orange}{\pi} \in (0,1)\)
  • special case of the Central Limit Theorem (de Moivre 1738, Laplace 1820): under unbiased, simple random sampling (SRS), survey based estimates of \(\color{orange}{\pi}\) will be distributed normally around \(\color{orange}{\pi}\) with variance \(V(\color{orange}{\pi}) = \color{orange}{\pi}(1-\color{orange}{\pi})/\color{cyan}{n}\).
  • put the question of bias to one side (dealt with previously with house effects estimates)
  • we compare observed dispersion of the polls with theoretically expected dispersion, given (1) stated sample sizes \(\color{cyan}{n}\); (2) assumption about \(\color{orange}{\pi}\)

Herding manifests as underdispersion

A simulation-based test for herding

  • assume true voting intentions are \(\color{orange}{\pi}\) (e.g., the level observed on Election Day)
  • assume no change in voting intentions for \(d\) days prior to the election
  • \(\color{cyan}{\mathcal{D}}\) are polls fielded within \(d\) days of the election, with standard deviation \(\color{cyan}{s_\mathcal{D}}\). Repeat the following over range of values of \(d\).
  • simulate poll results for each \(\color{cyan}{p} \in \color{cyan}{\mathcal{D}}\), \(\color{red}{y_p} \sim N(\color{orange}{\pi}, \color{cyan}{V_p})\), \(\color{cyan}{V_p} = \color{orange}{\pi} (1 - \color{orange}{\pi})/\color{cyan}{n_p}\). Round \(\color{red}{y_p}\) to the same degree of precision as in reported polls. Let \(\color{red}{s^*}\) be the standard deviation of the \(\color{red}{y_p}\).
  • Over many simulations how often do we observe \(\color{red}{s^*} > \color{cyan}{s_\mathcal{D}}\)? That is, results of actual polls \(\color{cyan}{\mathcal{D}}\) are underdispersed relative to what we should see under SRS.

Strong evidence of underdispersion in Coalition & 2PP polling

Conclusion

  • polls had a big miss this year
  • industry-wide biases are large by historical standards
  • clear evidence of under-dispersion, tell-tale signature of herding
  • no substitute for quality (time and dollars)
  • experiments on form of vote intention question (Others?)
  • … and reported and analysed (DKs)
  • a role for social science