We believe that property crime in Atlanta does not happen everywhere at once it piles up in a handful of predictable places. This project asks a simple question: when someone’s car is broken into or a package goes missing, what kind of place is it happening in, and how stable are those patterns over time? We follow each recorded property crime from the street address where it was reported to the tax parcel where it most likely occurred. That lets us talk about incidents not just as points on a map, but as events happening at specific types of parcels: apartments, single-family homes, commercial strips, parking lots, and tax-exempt or institutional sites.
By aggregating these incidents to Census tracts and joining neighborhood indicators like poverty and renter share, we move from individual addresses to broader questions about stability, investment, and risk. A BeltLine buffer also lets us ask whether land around the trail carries a different mix of property crime than the rest of the city. In short, the goal is to connect three levels of analysis: parcels (land use and function), neighborhoods (social and economic conditions), and corridors like the BeltLine where new investment and heavy activity might change opportunities for crime.
Guided by that motivation, we focus on three main questions:
Land-use patterns
Do commercial, mixed-use, and parking-heavy parcels see more property
crime than mostly residential parcels?
Neighborhood conditions
When we convert incidents into tract-level rates, how do characteristics
like poverty, renter share, and ownership relate to property crime
risk?
Stability over time
Across pre-COVID, COVID, and post-COVID phases, do hot spots move around
the city, or do the same tracts stay high or low from year to
year?
These questions frame everything that follows: the way we process the data, the spatial statistics we use, and how we interpret the maps and charts.
Our interpretation leans on two ideas: routine activity theory and neighborhood effects.
Routine activity theory says crime is more likely when three elements line up: a motivated offender, a suitable target, and weak guardianship. In our context, that often looks like:
Neighborhood effects add a slower layer: long-term conditions such as lower incomes, older multifamily housing, and a high share of renters can shape where property crime becomes normal rather than exceptional. If those forces are strong, we expect tract-level crime rates to show clear spatial clustering: high-crime tracts next to other high-crime tracts, and low-crime tracts forming their own clusters.
The BeltLine adds an important corridor lens. If parcels near the trail repeatedly show higher shares of commercial and multifamily incidents than the rest of the city, it suggests that new amenities, parking, and nightlife around the BeltLine create a durable environment for opportunistic property crime—alongside all the benefits of investment and activity.
Our starting point is a set of APD incident tables filtered to
property crime categories and a 2025 parcel dataset with
classcd, assessed values, and neighborhood
attributes.
To make them work together, we:
Standardized incident addresses
We cleaned the raw address string into components (house number, street
name, suffix, and direction) and removed extra punctuation so that
incident addresses and parcel Site Address fields share a
common format.
Matched incidents to parcels
Using a combination of fuzzy string matching and spatial distance, we
linked each incident to nearby parcels and recorded the best
candidate.
The key variable here is match_distance, a score that
measures how close the incident address is to the parcel address;
smaller values indicate a better match.
Filtered to high-confidence matches
We kept only records with match_distance <= 0.25,
producing the file property_crimes_with_parcels.
This file is the backbone of the project and is stored as both an
.rds and a .csv in the
data_intermediate folder.
Within this file, we use the first character of classcd
to build location_type_calc, grouping parcels into
categories like “Residential”, “Commercial / Business”, “Industrial”,
and “Institutional / Exempt.”
These categorization allows us to turn a long list of codes into a small
set of environments we can talk about in plain language.
Next, we aggregate the incident–parcel file to larger units:
location_type_calc to see whether risk
concentrates in certain land-use environments.crime_rate_per_10k as incidents
per 10,000 residents, then attach tract attributes such as
median_income, renter_share, and ownership
share.| Incident_ID | datetime | year | month | hour | phase | Crime_Type | Address | Location_Type | Neighborhood | NPU | Lat | Long | ss | Report_Date | Day_Occur | Time_Occur | Zone | OBJECTID | Day_Week | Event_Watch | Report_Num |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 72932 | 2018-01-02 00:00:00 | 2018 | 1 | 0 | Pre-COVID | LARCENY-NON VEHICLE | 183 MOUNT ZION RD SE | Other / Unknown | NA | NPU Z | 33.67268 | -84.38507 | 180020741 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 00:00:00 | 3 | 72932 | Tuesday | Evening Watch | NA |
| 72929 | 2018-01-02 01:20:00 | 2018 | 1 | 1 | Pre-COVID | AUTO THEFT | 3238 PACES FERRY PL NW | Residential | NA | NPU B | 33.84325 | -84.38202 | 180021478 | 1/2/2018 | Sunday | 01:20:00 | 2 | 72929 | Sunday | Evening Watch | NA |
| 72395 | 2018-01-02 04:44:00 | 2018 | 1 | 4 | Pre-COVID | LARCENY-NON VEHICLE | 1977 MARTIN L KING JR DR NW | Residential | NA | NPU I | 33.75110 | -84.44790 | 180020324 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 04:44:00 | 1 | 72395 | Tuesday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72919 | 2018-01-02 05:57:00 | 2018 | 1 | 5 | Pre-COVID | AUTO THEFT | 285 CENTRAL AVE | Other / Unknown | NA | NPU M | 33.74809 | -84.39201 | 180020375 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 05:57:00 | 5 | 72919 | Tuesday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72404 | 2018-01-02 08:00:00 | 2018 | 1 | 8 | Pre-COVID | LARCENY-NON VEHICLE | 2766 METROPOLITAN PKWY SW | Other / Unknown | NA | NPU X | 33.67967 | -84.40736 | 180020496 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 08:00:00 | 3 | 72404 | Tuesday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72923 | 2018-01-02 08:00:00 | 2018 | 1 | 8 | Pre-COVID | AUTO THEFT | 3530 ZIP INDUSTRIAL BLVD SE | Other / Unknown | NA | NPU Z | 33.65859 | -84.38330 | 180021149 | 1/2/2018 | Saturday | 08:00:00 | 3 | 72923 | Saturday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72928 | 2018-01-02 08:00:00 | 2018 | 1 | 8 | Pre-COVID | AUTO THEFT | 3730 DUMBARTON RD NW | Retail / Commercial | NA | NPU A | 33.85739 | -84.41687 | 180020976 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 08:00:00 | 2 | 72928 | Tuesday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72944 | 2018-01-02 08:30:00 | 2018 | 1 | 8 | Pre-COVID | LARCENY-FROM VEHICLE | 3550 CAMPBELLTON RD SW | Other / Unknown | NA | NPU P | 33.68984 | -84.50491 | 180020569 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 08:30:00 | 4 | 72944 | Tuesday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72237 | 2018-01-02 09:00:00 | 2018 | 1 | 9 | Pre-COVID | LARCENY-FROM VEHICLE | 1046 RIDGE AVE SW | Other / Unknown | NA | NPU V | 33.72631 | -84.39189 | 180020682 | 1/2/2018 | Thursday | 09:00:00 | 3 | 72237 | Thursday | Morning Watch | NA |
| 72939 | 2018-01-02 09:00:00 | 2018 | 1 | 9 | Pre-COVID | LARCENY-FROM VEHICLE | 1058 NORTHSIDE DR NW | Residential | NA | NPU E | 33.78382 | -84.40782 | 180021130 | 1/2/2018 | Tuesday | 09:00:00 | 5 | 72939 | Tuesday | Morning Watch | NA |
This pipeline lets us move smoothly between detailed questions like
“What happens in parking parcels?” and a broader context like “How does
crime_rate_per_10k vary with median_income
across the city?”
knitr::include_graphics(boxplot_path)
Most tracts fall near the lower end of the crime rate and incident count, but the upper tail stretches far beyond the interquartile range. Several tracts report crime rates above 4,000–6,000 per 10k residents, and a few exceed 10,000, placing them many standard deviations above the city median. Incident counts follow the same pattern: while many tracts record fewer than 300–400 incidents, the outliers reach 1,000+, confirming that a small share of tracts accounts for a large share of all reported events.
For the predictors, the distributions are less extreme but still uneven. Poverty and renter share show long right tails—most tracts fall in mid-range values, but a minority reach 40–75% poverty or 80–100% renters. Retail and commercial activity also vary, with a small group of tracts carrying much higher retail share.
Turning to histograms, these together clarifies the data clearer:
Poverty rate is heavily right-skewed; the majority of tracts sit below 20%, but the extreme cases push past 50–75%.
Renter share spans the entire range; many tracts cluster between 30–80%, but some approach full renter dominance.
Total population and total jobs approximate bell-shaped curves centered on mid-sized tracts, though a few tracts exceed 6,000 residents or 4,000 jobs.
Mobility indicators vary widely: same-county share clusters near 90–100%, while move-rate and outside-share show broader spreads, marking differences in neighborhood stability.
Property crime rate is the most skewed variable in the dataset, with most tracts reporting very low values and a concentrated tail reaching the extreme ends of the histogram.
As for the scatter matrix, the data seems solidfying the idea of disadvantage and instability make it harder to maintain informal control, while strong employment centers can provide some protective effect.
Property crime rate and poverty rate: Spearman ρ ≈ 0.387*. Crime tends to increase with poverty, though variance widens among high-poverty tracts.
Property crime rate and renter share: ρ ≈ 0.360*. Higher renter concentration aligns with higher crime rates.
Property crime rate and total jobs: ρ ≈ –0.263*. Job-dense areas tend to show lower per-capita crime.
Poverty and renter share: ρ ≈ 0.508*, the strongest correlation among the variables, showing substantial overlap between economic disadvantage and housing instability.
Poverty and total jobs: ρ ≈ –0.151. Tracts with more jobs tend to have slightly lower poverty.
We measure clustering with Global Moran’s I (citywide autocorrelation) and Local Indicators of Spatial Association (LISA) to flag specific hot and cold spots. Queen contiguity defines tract neighbors, and standardized weights keep influence balanced. Spatial regression addresses dependence in residuals when relating tract crime rates to neighborhood covariates.
| variable | I | expected | variance | z_score | p_value |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| prop_rate_10k | 0.5587873 | -0.0030769 | 0.0010675 | 17.19673 | 0 |
| pov_rate | 0.5132679 | -0.0030769 | 0.0010979 | 15.58334 | 0 |
| rent_rate | 0.4023548 | -0.0030864 | 0.0011165 | 12.13375 | 0 |
Global Moran’s I remains consistently high across all phases, with values tightly grouped around 0.56. The expectation under spatial randomness is near 0, so the observed statistic sits far above what chance would generate. The associated p-values fall below 10⁻⁶⁵ in every phase, confirming that the spatial pattern is extremely unlikely to be random.While the near-identical values before, during, and after COVID indicate that the spatial structure of property crime did not loosen or reorganize; the same parts of the city continue to form the core high-crime and low-crime clusters.
The Moran scatterplot shows how this plays out at the tract level. The fitted line rises sharply, with most points falling in the lower-left (low rate, low spatial lag) and upper-right (high rate, high spatial lag) quadrants. Roughly speaking, tracts with rates under 1,000–2,000 per 10k cluster together, while tracts above 4,000 per 10k tend to sit next to neighbors with averages in the 3,000–5,000 range. A small group of extreme tracts—those reaching 6,000–10,000 per 10k—extend the upper tail and reinforce the slope instead of weakening it. Only a modest number of tracts fall into mixed quadrants, which shows that high-crime tracts rarely sit next to low-crime neighbors.
LISA results show a clear split in where property crime concentrates. In the post-COVID map, high-high clusters make up the majority of significant tracts, with roughly 20–25 tracts forming a single, continuous block around the urban core. These tracts sit at the upper end of the distribution—many above 4,000–6,000 incidents per 10k—and almost all are bordered by neighbors with similarly elevated levels. The size and contiguity of this block indicate that the core is not a loose set of hotspots but a tightly connected zone of high activity.
Low-low clusters account for the next largest group, concentrated mainly in northern single-family areas. These clusters involve about 10–15 tracts, most with rates near the bottom decile of the distribution. They form one extended low-crime zone rather than isolated pockets, showing strong internal consistency and little disruption across phases.
Cross-type outliers remain limited. High-low tracts appear only in small numbers, typically 1–3 tracts at the perimeter of the high-high core. These boundary cases show rates substantially higher than their neighbors but well below the extreme upper tail, marking areas where local conditions diverge from the broader corridor. Low-high cases are nearly absent, confirming that sharp jumps from low-crime neighborhoods into isolated high-crime tracts are rare.
| term | estimate | std.error | statistic | p.value | conf.low | conf.high | rate_ratio | pct_change_per_sd |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| (Intercept) | -2.5499899 | 0.1530040 | -16.666169 | 0.0000000 | -2.8356311 | -2.2343497 | 0.0780825 | -92.19175 |
| z_pov_rate | 0.3186855 | 0.1883688 | 1.691817 | 0.0906809 | -0.0957225 | 0.7700866 | 1.3753187 | 37.53187 |
| z_rent_rate | 0.5886624 | 0.1780191 | 3.306736 | 0.0009439 | 0.1919294 | 1.0009033 | 1.8015770 | 80.15770 |
| z_total_jobs | -0.2221681 | 0.1641781 | -1.353214 | 0.1759872 | -0.4889266 | 0.0579544 | 0.8007807 | -19.92193 |
The model results align with the exploratory maps:
renter_share is associated with
higher crime_rate_per_10k, even after
adjusting for other factors.median_income also pushes rates upward, though
the effect is more modest.location_type_calc.When we look at the LISA map, many of the high–high clusters of property crime appear in and around the BeltLine corridor. That pattern motivates a closer look at what kinds of places along the BeltLine are driving those hot spots.
The incident–parcel file property_crimes_with_parcels
gives us a clear way to talk about where property crime happens
in terms of land use. The summary table type_overall shows
the distribution of incidents by location_type_calc across
the entire city.
Here, “Commercial / Business” location types sit at the top, followed by
“Residential” parcels, confirming that retail, and apartment contexts
dominate the property crime landscape.
| location_type | n | pct |
|---|---|---|
| Commercial / Business | 77228 | 49.7 |
| Residential | 59975 | 38.6 |
| Other / Unknown | 7735 | 5.0 |
| Institutional / Exempt | 6302 | 4.1 |
| Industrial | 3645 | 2.3 |
| Historic / Special | 442 | 0.3 |
| Utility / Infrastructure | 83 | 0.1 |
| classcd | n |
|---|---|
| R3 | 59610 |
| C3 | 40768 |
| C4 | 23982 |
| C5 | 8565 |
| C1 | 3400 |
| E1 | 2458 |
| I3 | 2114 |
| E2 | 1374 |
| I4 | 1234 |
| E6 | 991 |
| location_type | n | pct |
|---|---|---|
| Commercial / Business | 83 | 84.7 |
| Industrial | 10 | 10.2 |
| Residential | 5 | 5.1 |
| beltline_buffer | location_type | n | pct |
|---|---|---|---|
| FALSE | Commercial / Business | 42356 | 51.1 |
| TRUE | Commercial / Business | 34872 | 48.1 |
| FALSE | Residential | 30307 | 36.6 |
| TRUE | Residential | 29668 | 40.9 |
| FALSE | Other / Unknown | 5152 | 6.2 |
| FALSE | Institutional / Exempt | 3490 | 4.2 |
| TRUE | Institutional / Exempt | 2812 | 3.9 |
| TRUE | Other / Unknown | 2583 | 3.6 |
| TRUE | Industrial | 2213 | 3.1 |
| FALSE | Industrial | 1432 | 1.7 |
| TRUE | Historic / Special | 333 | 0.5 |
| FALSE | Historic / Special | 109 | 0.1 |
| FALSE | Utility / Infrastructure | 43 | 0.1 |
| TRUE | Utility / Infrastructure | 40 | 0.1 |
The top_class table lists the most frequent parcel
classcd values associated with incidents, making it
possible to see which specific property classes—such as particular
commercial or multifamily codes—are most affected.
The associated bar plots show that, within the BeltLine buffer, incidents are even more concentrated in “Commercial / Business” and multifamily “Residential” categories than they are citywide. Outside the buffer, incidents spread more into commercial parcel types.
This combination of tables and plots strengthens the conclusion that property crime in Atlanta is closely tied to specific land-use environments rather than being evenly distributed across all parcels.
To answer our questions:
Stable hot spots. Hot spots are remarkably stable. Pre-COVID, COVID, and post-COVID maps all show similar clusters around the urban core, major mixed-use corridors, and Beltline-adjacent areas.Shocks change levels, not the map. Overall incident counts fluctuate across years, but the location of high- and low-crime tracts hardly moves—suggesting that underlying land use and neighborhood structure drive the long-run pattern.
Land use and neighborhood structure matter. Commercial, mixed-use, and parking parcels carry the heaviest load of property crime. Incidents concentrate around garages, surface lots, retail strips, and mixed commercial–residential parcels. Residential risk is highest in multifamily contexts. Apartments and other higher-density residential parcels show more incidents than single-family parcels, especially near major corridors and the Beltline
Neighborhood conditions. Poverty and renting go hand-in-hand with higher risk. Tracts with higher poverty rates and larger renter shares consistently have higher property-crime rates. Ownership and affluence are protective. Areas with more homeowners and higher property values tend to have lower rates, even when they are not far from hot-spot corridors.
Several limitations shape how we read these results:
Looking across parcels, tracts, and spatial models, a consistent story emerges: Atlanta’s property crime patterns are anchored less by short-term shocks and more by the city’s land-use structure and neighborhood stability.
Commercial corridors, parking facilities, and multifamily areas, especially near the BeltLine, repeatedly appear as environments where property crime clusters. Tracts with more renters and lower incomes show higher rates, while higher ownership and property values are associated with lower risk.
For planners and policymakers, this points to a two part strategy:
Design and management in hot-spot
environments
Target lighting, sight lines, access control, and parking management in
the parcels and corridors that dominate the incident counts,
particularly along the BeltLine and major mixed-use corridors.
Support for neighborhood stability
Pair physical interventions with programs that reduce turnover and
strengthen informal guardianship in high-risk tracts, such as housing
stability, tenant support, and community-based safety
initiatives.
By tying incidents to parcels and neighborhoods, this project shows how urban analytics can move from “where the dots are” to which environments and corridors truly structure property crime risk in Atlanta.