Why voters, parties, and bureaucrats do what they do
Houston City COllege
2025-11-03
Politics, Rationality, and Incentives: The Public Choice Perspective on Federal Government
Speaker Notes: * (Welcome students) * Today, we’re going to talk about the behavior of everyone involved in politics—from voters to politicians to the people running government agencies. * We’ll be using a framework that’s different from what you might see in a civics class. It’s an economic way of thinking about political action.
Speaker Notes: * Think of today’s lecture as the “operating manual” for the big ideas from our last two classes. * We’re not just saying “unintended consequences happen”; we’re going to model why they happen, based on the rational decisions of the people involved.
Speaker Notes: * The “romantic” view is what we’re taught in grade school. It’s a nice idea, but it’s an assumption. * It assumes a “Jekyll and Hyde” model of human nature: you’re a self-interested homo economicus when you buy a car, but you become a selfless homo politicus when you vote. * Public Choice theory challenges this by asking a simple, powerful question.
Speaker Notes: * This is the central slide of the entire lecture. If you get this, you get Public Choice. * It’s not saying people are “evil” or “greedy.” “Self-interest” can include caring for your family, your community, or your environment. It’s just your set of preferences. * Public Choice simply refuses to grant political actors a special, angelic motivation that the rest of us don’t have. It demands we treat them as rational, self-interested people, just like everyone else.
Speaker Notes: * This is a quick clarification. Rational Choice is the engine (how the individual thinks). Public Choice is the car (how the system moves when you put a bunch of those engines together). * Today, we are mostly talking about Public Choice.
How does a “rational” person behave in the act of voting?
Speaker Notes: * Let’s apply the model. Your costs (\(C\)) are real: you have to register, figure out who to vote for, and wait in line. * Your benefit (\(B\)) might be huge—maybe you think you’ll get a \(1,000 tax cut if your person wins. * But what's the *probability* (\)p$) that your vote is the deciding vote? In a state with 10 million voters, it’s basically zero. * So, the massive benefit is multiplied by zero. Your expected benefit is zero. But your cost is positive. * A purely rational, self-interested person should never vote. This is Downs’ Paradox. So why does turnout happen?
Speaker Notes: * The “D” term is the key. You don’t vote to change the outcome. You vote because it feels good to express your preference. * It’s like cheering at a football game. You pay a cost (ticket, time). Your individual cheer has no effect on the outcome. But you do it for the “D” benefit—the psychic pleasure of being a fan. * This has a big implication: If voters are “cheering” rather than “investing,” they are incentivized to support policies that feel good to support, not policies that are effective.[21, 22]
Speaker Notes: * This is one of the most important concepts in Public Choice. * Think about it: would you spend 40 hours researching the federal budget if your vote has a 1-in-100-million chance of mattering? No, that would be irrational. You have an exam to study for. * This “rational ignorance” is the precondition for special interest politics. The system only works because the general public is not paying attention to the details.
Speaker Notes: * This is a famous model from economics that perfectly illustrates political competition.[26] * (Walk through the 3 steps). * This equilibrium is rational for the vendors, but inefficient for the customers at the ends of the beach, who now have to walk half a mile. * This simple model of ice cream carts explains a fundamental law of politics.
Speaker Notes: * The “beach” is the ideological spectrum from Left to Right. The “customers” are voters. The “vendors” are the Democratic and Republican parties. * The MVT predicts that any party that moves away from the median voter can be beaten by a party that moves slightly closer to the median. * The rational strategy for both is to “race to the center.” This predicts a bland, centrist political system. * (Ask class): Does this sound like modern American politics?
Speaker Notes: * The class should immediately say “No! That’s not what we see!” * The MVT is a powerful model, but it clearly fails to predict our current reality. * Public Choice theory explains this by looking at how our institutions break the MVT’s simple assumptions. The most important one is the Primary system.
A rational candidate must win two elections, each with a different median voter.[42, 43]
Median Primary Voter: Far to the left (D) or right (R) of the center.[44]
Median General Election Voter: Closer to the middle.
The Rational Candidate’s Dilemma:
This “pivot” is “flip-flopping” [46], and it’s risky. Go too extreme in the primary, and you are unelectable in the general.[48]
Speaker Notes: * This is the single best explanation for polarization. * To win the Republican primary in Texas, you have to appeal to the median Republican primary voter, who is very conservative. * To win the Democratic primary, you appeal to the median Democratic primary voter, who is very liberal. * Then, after winning, you have to try and run back to the center without being called a flip-flopper. * This creates a “damned if you do, damned if you don’t” scenario. Candidates who are “extremists” are much more likely to lose the general election.[48]
Speaker Notes: * We can see this “Two Medians” problem right here in Texas. * The 2018 race was a classic political fight. O’Rourke almost won by running as a centrist. * In 2022, both candidates were haunted by their primaries. Abbott was fending off challenges from his right. O’Rourke was stuck with positions he took to appeal to national primary voters. * Neither could effectively “pivot” to the Texas median, so the race wasn’t close.
Speaker Notes: * Again, we have the “romantic” view versus the Public Choice view.[2] * The romantic view is of the selfless public servant. * The Public Choice view says they are rational actors. They don’t seek profit (it’s not a business) and they don’t seek votes (they’re not elected). * So what do they seek? They seek the things that give them a better life: power, prestige, job security, and the perks of the job.[2]
Speaker Notes: * Niskanen’s insight was brilliant. He said all those fuzzy goals can be boiled down to one thing: a bigger budget.[56] * A bigger budget is the only way a bureaucrat “wins.” There’s no profit-and-loss signal to tell them they’re efficient.[59] Success is a bigger budget. * They can get this by telling Congress, “To provide the service you want, this is the (inflated) cost.” Congress is “rationally ignorant” about the details and often has to approve it. * This leads to “empire building”—agencies that seem to grow and grow, regardless of whether they’re succeeding or failing.[57]
Speaker Notes: * You’ve heard of “market failure.” This is the idea that markets aren’t perfect. * Public Choice introduces the mirror-image concept: “government failure”.[4] * This theory says that just because a market fails, it does not automatically mean the government’s solution will be better. The “solution” can, and often does, make things worse. * Public Choice explains why this happens.
Speaker Notes: * This is the other most important slide. If you understand this, you understand 90% of what happens in D.C. * (Walk through the steel example). * The steel company has a concentrated benefit. It’s rational for them to spend $10 million on lobbyists to get a $100 million benefit. * The cost is diffuse. It’s spread across all of us. No one voter has an incentive to fight it. * This mismatch—a loud, motivated special interest on one side, and a silent, rationally ignorant public on the other—explains why inefficient policies get passed and stay passed.
Speaker Notes: * This behavior has a name: “Rent-Seeking”.[65] * “Rent” in this economic sense just means unearned profit. * This is when a company spends its money not on R&D to build a better product, but on lobbyists to get the government to ban their competitor’s product.[65] * It’s a rational investment for the firm, but it’s a total waste of resources for society.
Speaker Notes: * So how do these special interest projects pass? Through “logrolling”.[73, 68, 69] * This is just vote-trading. * My project (a new dam in my district) has a concentrated benefit for me, but the costs are diffuse for everyone else. Your project (a new research center in your district) is the same. * Neither of our projects would pass on its own. * So, we “logroll.” We bundle them. I vote for yours, you vote for mine. Now we both win. * This isn’t new—it’s how the U.S. capital ended up in D.C..[72]
Speaker Notes: * The result of this process is what we call “pork-barrel spending”.[74, 75, 77] The formal name is an “earmark”.[76] * This is the physical manifestation of concentrated benefits. * The “Bridge to Nowhere” is the most famous example, but this happens all the time.[75, 77]
| Project | Recipient | Sponsor | Amount |
|---|---|---|---|
| Water-Smart Rice | TX A&M AgriLife | Rep. McCaul (R) | $1,248,000 [78, 79] |
| I-35 / I-14 Expansion | TX Dept. of Trans. | Rep. Carter (R) | $15,000,000 [80] |
| Longhorn Dam Impr. | City of Austin | Rep. Casar (D) | $4,116,279 [80] |
| Port San Antonio | TX Dept. of Trans. | Rep. Castro (D) | $1,616,279 [80] |
| Anzalduas Bridge | TX Dept. of Trans. | Rep. De La Cruz (R) | $1,000,000 [80] |
Speaker Notes: * And yes, this happens right here in Texas.[81, 82] * I want to be very clear: This is not a partisan critique. As you can see from this table of 2024 earmarks, both parties do it. * Why? Because it is rational. Rep. Casar (a Democrat) and Rep. McCaul (a Republican) are both rational actors. They “bring home the bacon” to their districts, and their constituents reward them for it. * The cost is spread across 330 million taxpayers, who are all rationally ignorant of these specific line items.
Speaker Notes: * So let’s bring it home. * Public Choice refines the idea of “unintended consequences.” These aren’t accidents. They are the predictable results of a system made of rational actors. * And this provides the engine for Hayek’s warning. Hayek warned what would happen. Public Choice shows how it happens, step-by-step. * When government is given the power to pick winners and losers, it creates a powerful incentive for people to stop creating wealth (building better products) and start rent-seeking (lobbying). * This, combined with budget-maximizing bureaucrats, creates a feedback loop of government growth. That is the “road” Hayek was talking about.
If voting is “expressive” (like cheering for a team), what does that imply about the concept of a “mandate from the people” after an election?
The MVT predicts convergence, but we see polarization. Based on the “primary” model, what institutional rule could you change to make candidates more moderate?
Is “pork-barrel” spending (like the projects in Texas) a good thing (legislators representing their constituents) or a bad thing (wasteful spending)?
If bureaucrats are rational budget-maximizers, how could you change the incentives for a government agency?
If “government failure” is as real as “market failure,” how does this complicate the argument that “the government should step in” to fix a problem?
Thank you.
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Author: Tom Hanna
Website: tomhanna.me
License: This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
Unless otherwise noted all images are the original work of the author or produced by the author using Perplexity or Gemini.
HCC GOVT2305, Fall 2025 Instructor: Tom Hanna