1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Motivation
Our group focused on Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Sudan out of the six North African countries because these four nations show the most dynamic and contrasting transformations in how income factors relate to health outcomes. They capture diverse aspects of economic growth, inequality levels, and demographic transitions that make them ideal for analyzing how wealth distribution and income growth influence health indicators such as life expectancy and fertility rates. By comparing these four, we can uncover not only general regional patterns but also the unique national stories behind North Africa’s socio-economic evolution.
1.2 Data Description
The focus is on income categories and examining how financial inputs result in health outcomes across all four countries over time. The features used from the dataset include:
Time: From 1800 to 2040. Reflects historical progress and key developmental milestones.Country: Four chosen North African countries — Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Sudan.income_level: Indicates whether a country is consideredlevel 1–level 5.household_income: The mean income of all households in the country, usually expressed in local currency or USD. Indicates general wealth and living standards.gini: A measure of income inequality in a country.- 0 = perfect equality (everyone has the same income)
- 100 = perfect inequality (one person has all the income)
life_expectancy_at_birth: Average expected lifespan of a newborn.babies_per_woman: The average number of children a woman will have in her lifetime.Share of people on level 1–5: Percentage of the population whose income falls within each income level, from the poorest (Level 1) to the richest (Level 5).
1.3 Key Questions for Analysis
1.3.1 How did income_level, gini,
babies_per_woman and life_expectancy_at_birth
evolve from the 1800s to the 2000s across Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and
Sudan?
Observation: From the 1800s to the 2000s, all four
North African countries transitioned from low-income, high-fertility
societies with short life expectancy to more urbanized and economically
developed nations with improved health outcomes. Between 1800 and 1950,
income levels remained low, inequality moderate, and life expectancy
rarely exceeded 40 years. After 1950, however, rapid socio-economic
change began.
1.3.2 How do income-related factors influence
babies_per_woman and life_expectancy_at_birth
in North African countries over time?
Observation: Income plays a central role in shaping
health outcomes across North African countries. As income levels and
household earnings rise, people gain better access to healthcare,
education, and nutrition - leading to longer life expectancy and lower
fertility rates. Overall, the data reveals that sustainable health
progress depends on both economic growth and social equality.
1.3.3 Do all four countries follow the same general trend
between income inputs and health outcomes?
Observation: No, they don’t. While the overall
relationship between income and health outcomes is generally positive
across the four countries, the specific patterns differ notably due to
each nation’s unique historical and socio-economic context. All
countries show that higher income levels are associated with longer life
expectancy and lower fertility rates, but their paths are not
identical.
2. DATA PROCESSING
2.1 Libraries
To process and visualize the datasets effectively, we used several R libraries:
- readr: Efficiently read CSV datasets.
- dplyr: Manipulate and transform data, including
filtering, joining, grouping, and summarizing variables.
- tidyr: Reshape and organize data for analysis and
visualization.
- ggplot2: Create detailed and flexible plots.
- plotly: Add interactivity to visualizations for
dynamic exploration.
- patchwork: Combine multiple plots into cohesive layouts.
2.2 Dataset Reading and Country Selection
We began by importing the datasets income_level.csv and
world_data.csv. The analysis focused on four North African
countries: Egypt, Libya, Sudan, and Tunisia. Using dplyr,
we filtered both datasets to retain only the observations for these
countries.
# Read datasets
income_level <- read_csv("income_level.csv", show_col_types = FALSE)
world_data <- read_csv("world_data.csv", show_col_types = FALSE)
# Define countries of interest
countries <- c("Egypt", "Libya", "Sudan", "Tunisia")
# Filter datasets
income_filtered <- income_level %>%
filter(name %in% countries)
world_filtered <- world_data %>%
filter(country %in% countries)2.3 Combining and Verifying the Data
Since income_level only extends to 2040 while
world_data continues to 2100, we aligned the datasets for
the period 1800–2040 using a left join. This preserved all rows from
income_level while appending corresponding variables from
world_data.
combined_data_beforeclean <- income_filtered %>%
left_join(world_filtered, by = c("name" = "country", "year" = "year"))We verified the merge with several checks. These steps ensured that all entries were correctly aligned by country and year.
# Check unique country names
unique(income_filtered$name)
unique(world_filtered$country)
# Check year ranges
range(income_filtered$year)
range(world_filtered$year)
# Check missing values
sum(is.na(combined_data_beforeclean))
colSums(is.na(combined_data_beforeclean))
combined_data_beforeclean %>% filter(if_any(everything(), is.na))
# Spot-check specific rows
combined_data_beforeclean %>%
filter(name == "Egypt" & year %in% c(1800, 1900, 2000))
# Check for duplicate country-year pairs
combined_data_beforeclean %>%
group_by(name, year) %>%
summarise(n = n()) %>%
filter(n > 1)2.4 Cleaning the Data
Finally, we removed unnecessary columns automatically generated
during import (e.g., those starting with ...1) and verified
the structure and completeness of the cleaned dataset.
combined_data <- combined_data_beforeclean %>%
select(-starts_with("...1"))
# Inspect structure and missing values
str(combined_data)
sum(is.na(combined_data))
colSums(is.na(combined_data))
combined_data %>% filter(if_any(everything(), is.na))
# Preview cleaned dataset
head(combined_data)The resulting combined_data contains aligned
observations for all variables of interest for the selected countries,
covering the years 1800–2040. This verified and cleaned dataset serves
as the basis for subsequent statistical analysis and visualization.
3. GENERAL TRENDS OVER TIME
First of all, our group takes a general observation on time-based trends of four countries — Egypt, Libya, Sudan, and Tunisia. Observing these patterns across time allows us to understand how each country’s income levels, inequality, and health indicators have altered historically, and how major political or economic shifts have shaped their long-term trends. This temporal perspective is crucial for recognizing how countries diverge in their paths of both growth and decline.
3.1 Time-based Line charts
We first created visualizations to explore basic time-series data across four countries. The graphs are organized to show key socio-economic and demographic trends from 1800 to 2040, in the following order:
- Gini Index – Illustrates shifts in income
inequality.
- Life Expectancy at Birth – Shows improvements in
health and longevity.
- Population Growth – Captures expansion patterns
across racial and ethnic groups.
- Babies per Woman – Reflects demographic transition and declining birth rates.
- Household Income – Tracks the long-term trajectory
of income growth across different groups.
- Average Daily Income per Person – Highlights changes in individual earning power over time.
These visualizations help us understand how income characteristics relate to fertility and living conditions in each country. When looking at these visualizations, around the 1800s to early 1900s, most factors indicate that these nations began under similar early-development conditions: extremely low income levels, high fertility rates, and short life expectancy. Household and daily income were generally minimal, with the majority of the population living near subsistence levels, often earning less than a few dollars per day. The birth rate remained high, averaging around six to seven babies per woman, which aligns with the characteristics of pre-demographic-transition societies where large families were necessary for labor and survival. Meanwhile, life expectancy hovered between 30 and 35 years, reflecting widespread poverty, limited healthcare access, and high infant mortality rates. The Gini index, representing income inequality, was relatively moderate across most countries (30-40), yet Tunisia stood out with an exceptionally high inequality level nearing 80, suggesting deep social or economic divides even at an early stage. Overall, this paints a baseline picture of four nations sharing low-income, high-fertility, and low-longevity beginnings, but with Tunisia already displaying a distinct imbalance in wealth distribution.
3.2 Normalized Diagrams of Each Country
In the next stage of our analysis, we applied Min-Max normalization to
all input variables for each country, transforming them onto a unified
0–1 scale. This allowed us to visualize growth and decline patterns over
time on a comparable basis. Specifically, variables such as average
daily income, household income, Gini index, life expectancy, and babies
per woman were normalized using the formula:
\[ x_{\text{norm}} = \frac{x - x_{\min}}{x_{\max} - x_{\min}} \]
where:
\(x\) = the original value of the
variable
\(x_{\min}\) = minimum of the period
means for that feature (over all periods)
\(x_{\max}\) = maximum of the period
means for that feature (over all periods)
\(x_{\text{norm}}\) = the normalized
value, scaled between 0 and 1
By standardizing variables in this way across a 50-year period, we removed the influence of differing units and magnitudes. This approach enables a clearer comparison of how each factor evolved relative to others within the same country. The resulting normalized values provide a balanced view of each country’s trajectory over time—highlighting periods of advancement, stagnation, or decline—and help identify key turning points in preparation for a deeper analysis of each country’s unique story.
According to four normalized diagrams, clear patterns of economic growth and social transformation of each country are obviously revealed. All countries experienced a steady increase in both average daily income and household income, along with a noticeable rise in life expectancy, particularly after 1950 - a period marked by modernization, improved infrastructure, and better access to healthcare. At the same time, fertility rates declined sharply, reflecting a demographic shift toward smaller families as living standards and education improved. When comparing countries, Egypt and Tunisia show strong upward momentum in both income and health outcomes, accompanied by a rapid fertility drop. Libya stands out with a dramatic post-1950 boom in income and life expectancy - driven largely by oil wealth - followed by a steep fall in birth rates. In contrast, Sudan’s growth was slower and more gradual, with high fertility persisting until the late 20th century before finally starting to decline.
3.3 Income Level Distribution Over Time
We chose to illustrate only the income level diagrams for each country across time because income serves as the core independent variable in our analysis. Our main research question focuses on how changes in financial inputs influence health outcomes. By isolating income trends first, we can clearly visualize the foundation of economic growth and identify when major transitions occurred (for example, post-1950 economic expansion). This step allows us to later connect these income shifts to health improvements and inequality patterns, making the relationship between wealth and well-being more explicit and connected.
How to Read the Graph
In the 1800s, almost everyone in the four countries belonged to Level 1
(dark blue) — representing extremely low income and limited access to
basic needs.
Over time, especially after the 1900s, the light blue area (Level 2)
expanded, meaning more people moved into slightly higher income
levels.
By 1950–2040, the yellow area (Level 3) emerged and grew, indicating the
rise of a middle-income population.
The orange and red areas (Levels 4 and 5) remained relatively small,
suggesting that only a few people had reached the highest income
levels.
Comparative Insights
In the early 1800s, most people in all four countries belonged to Level
1, representing extremely low income and limited access to basic needs.
However, from the mid-20th century onward - particularly after the 1950s
- there was a noticeable upward movement of population into higher
income levels, reflecting rapid development, industrialization, and
social modernization.
Among the four, Libya demonstrates the most dramatic income shift, with large proportions of its population moving into Levels 3–5 after the discovery of oil. Tunisia and Egypt show steadier, moderate transitions, gradually reducing their low-income population. Sudan, while improving, still retains a dominant share of lower-level income groups, signaling slower and more uneven growth.
3.4 Key Time Period: 1950s–2000s
The period from the 1950s to the early 2000s marks a crucial turning
point for all four countries, as both income and health
indicators rose sharply while fertility rates began to
fall. This transformation reflects the broader wave of post-colonial
nation-building and modernization across North Africa. Following
independence — Egypt (1952), Sudan (1956), Tunisia (1956), and Libya
(1951) — new governments launched national development programs aimed at
economic self-sufficiency, healthcare expansion, and educational
reform.
Key country-specific developments include:
- Egypt: Nasser’s socialist reforms and
industrialization policies in the 1950s–60s helped raise living
standards and expand public health coverage.
- Tunisia: Under Habib Bourguiba, heavy
investments in women’s education and family planning led to one of the
region’s most rapid fertility declines.
- Libya: After the discovery of oil in 1959, the
economic boom funded hospitals, infrastructure, and welfare programs,
sharply boosting both income and
life expectancy.
- Sudan: Despite political instability, periods of
agricultural growth and international aid during the 1970s–80s
contributed to improvements in health and economic conditions.
Collectively, these changes pushed all four countries into the later stages of the demographic transition, defined by longer lifespans, smaller families, and the beginnings of modern middle-class societies.
4. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INCOME AND HEALTH OUTCOMES
After carefully examining the dataset, our group chose to focus on the relationship between income indicators and health outcomes. Specifically, we aim to explore how different measures of income - such as Income Level, Household Income, and the Gini Index - affect key health indicators like Life Expectancy and Babies per Woman. Our goal is to understand how economic conditions shape population health and fertility trends across countries.
To uncover broader patterns that transcend national and temporal boundaries, we used boxplots to examine the relationship between income and health variables across all countries. By removing time and country identifiers, we transformed the dataset into a unified pool of observations. This allowed us to focus purely on the interaction between income indicators - such as income level, household income, and the Gini index - and health outcomes like life expectancy and fertility rate. Boxplots provided a clear visual summary of these relationships, highlighting central tendencies, variability, and outliers across income groups. This approach enabled us to detect consistent trends and anomalies, offering insights into how economic conditions may influence population health regardless of specific historical or geographic contexts.
Additionally, we investigated the direct relationship between Babies per Woman and Life Expectancy, as these two indicators often reflect a country’s stage of economic and social development. This holistic approach helps us reveal cross-cutting trends and anomalies that might otherwise be hidden in country-specific analyses.
4.2 Average household income contributions
4.2.1 Household Income and Babies Per Woman: Negative Relationship
The box plot reveals a clear negative relationship between household
income and fertility rate across countries. As household income rises,
the average number of babies per woman consistently declines. At the
lowest income range (0-2,000), fertility rates are high with median
values around six to seven children per woman and several outliers below
this level. Moving toward higher income ranges (2,000-5,000 and
5,000-10,000), the median fertility rate drops sharply, and the spread
widens, indicating greater variation among middle-income households.
Beyond the 10,000-20,000 range, fertility continues to decline, with
most households showing around three children or fewer. However, at the
highest income range (20,000-35,000), the fertility rate unexpectedly
reached the highest value of around eight children, indicating an
outcast country which probably experiences data imbalance or unique
cultural factors - such as education, social development,… Globally, the
downward trend of household income and birth rate still holds
strong.
4.2.2 Household Income and Life Expectancy: Positive Relationship
The box plot displays a generally positive relationship between
household income and life expectancy at birth. As household income
increases, the average life expectancy tends to rise. Countries with the
lowest income range (0-2K) experience the shortest life expectancies and
widest dispersion, suggesting that poverty contributes to unstable
access to healthcare and living environment. From 2K to 10K, life
expectancy increases sharply, reaching its peak at around 80 years in
the 5K-10K range. However, beyond this point, the pattern slightly
reverses. Despite higher income ranges (10K-20K and 20K-35K), life
expectancy no longer continues to rise and even shows a small decline,
implying that after reaching a certain economic limitation, further
increases in household income may not significantly enhance average
lifespan. Generally, this stable pattern reflects the health and living
condition improvements shaped by financial quality.
4.3 Gini Ranges contributions
4.3.1 Gini and Life Expectancy: Fluctuating Relationship
The boxplot presents a fluctuating relationship between life expectancy
at birth and the gini coefficient range across countries.This figure
especially shows no clear correlation between income inequality and life
expectancy. In other words, life expectancy varies irregularly across
all gini ranges, suggesting that inequality alone does not strongly
determine a country’s average lifespan. Although countries with moderate
inequality (Gini 30-40) tend to show higher and more dispersed life
expectancies, the overall trend remains inconsistent. This indicates
that other factors-such as healthcare systems, education, and government
policies-may play a more decisive role in shaping life expectancy than
inequality levels alone.
4.3.2 Gini and Babies Per Woman: Independent Relationship
The boxplot illustrates the relationship between the gini coefficient
and fertility rate across countries. Overall, there is no clear negative
or positive trend between income inequality and the number of babies per
woman, as fertility remains high throughout most gini ranges. Not only
countries within the 30-40 gini range exhibit the widest variation -
fertility rates spanning from approximately two to eight children per
woman, but those in the gini range 40-50 also display a set of outliers,
both reflecting the diverse economic and social conditions among nations
with moderate inequality. In contrast, countries with higher inequality
levels, particularly those within the 50-70 gini range, display
consistently high fertility rates with limited variation. Meanwhile, the
lowest (20-30) and highest (70-80) Gini ranges show minimal difference,
likely due to similar culture and social structure across the North
African area.
4.4 Fertility rate and Life Expectancy
Babies Per Woman and Life Expectancy: Negative Relationship
The box plot presents a negative relationship between life expectancy at
birth and fertility rate across countries. As life expectancy increases,
the number of babies per woman declines notably. Countries within the
two lowest life expectancy ranges (6-21 years and 21-37 years) display a
stable fertility pattern, with women having around six to seven children
on average and very little variation between nations. This suggests that
fertility remains consistently high regardless of short lifespan. In
contrast, as life expectancy rises beyond 37 years, fertility rates
begin to drop sharply. Nations within the highest range (68-83 years)
record the lowest fertility levels, averaging about two children per
woman. The decreasing and stabilizing trend at higher life expectancy
levels indicates that as countries develop and citizens live longer,
family sizes tend to shrink to a lower rate.
5. UNIQUE COUNTRY PATTERNS
5.1 Income Level and Babies Per Woman
5.1.1 Libya’s unique patterns
The box plot of Libya presents a distinctive pattern compared to the general global trend between income level and fertility rate. While most countries experience a gradual decline in fertility as income rises, Libya shows a sudden drop. At income levels 1 and 2, the fertility rate remains consistently high, averaging around seven babies per woman while other nations’ birth rate drops to about 6 children at income level 2. However, once reaching income level 3, the fertility rate plummets sharply, displaying a wide variation across the population.
This unusual trend can be explained through Libya’s historical and social context. After the discovery of oil in the 1950s, Libya rapidly shifted from a low-income nation to a wealthy oil-dependent economy. Yet, despite this economic growth, traditional family structures and limited female employment kept fertility rates high for decades. During Gaddafi’s rule, expanded healthcare and education gradually lowered birth rates, but regional inequality and conservative norms - religious beliefs or traditional rules -maintained strong variations. The sharp fluctuation at level 3 may also reflect the instability following the 2011 civil conflict, which disrupted economic conditions and household decisions.
5.1.2 Tunisia’s unique patterns
The box plot of Tunisia exhibits a distinct pattern compared to the general global trend between income and fertility rate. While most nations experience a smooth and gradual decline as income rises, Tunisia shows a sharper drop in fertility, particularly between levels 2 and 3. At income level 2, the fertility rate remains moderately high, around six babies per woman, which is higher than the global median at this income group. However, once Tunisia transitions into income level 3, the fertility rate falls dramatically to just above two babies per woman, indicating one of the steepest declines among four North African countries.
This pattern reflects Tunisia’s unique historical trajectory. Following independence in 1956, Tunisia became one of the first Arab nations to implement progressive family planning policies and expand female education. The 1966 National Family Planning Program drastically lowered birth rates by empowering women’s reproductive choices. Additionally, Tunisia’s early investment in girls’ education and urbanization accelerated the demographic transition, with more women joining the workforce and delaying marriage. The sharp contrast between levels 2 and 3 therefore mirrors the country’s rapid modernization and gender equality.
5.2 Household Income and Life Expectancy
Libya’s Unique patterns
In the highest household income range (20k - 35k), Libya’s life
expectancy shows a surprising decline compared to the previous income
bracket - being distinctive from the global pattern where health
outcomes typically continue improving with wealth. While most countries
in this range maintain stable life expectancies around 75-80 years,
Libya’s distribution median drops to roughly 68-70 years. This special
drop reveals how higher income in Libya doesn’t necessarily translate
into better living conditions or longevity.
According to historical context, this paradox reflects the country’s resource dependent economy and political instability. During Gaddafi’s era, oil revenues created an increase of wealthy elites whose income was not matched by improvements in healthcare infrastructure or social services. After the 2011 civil war, the collapse of public health systems, shortages of medical supplies, and mass displacement further impacted life expectancy, even among high-ranked groups. Consequently, high income no longer guarantees access to reliable healthcare or security. The broad range and presence of outliers in this income group thus mirror a nation where economic privilege coexists with weak systematic management, exposing the importance of social and economic equality.
5.3 Household Income and Babies Per Woman
Libya’s unique patterns
The box plot of Libya reveals a striking deviation from the global trend
between household income and fertility rate. While the overall global
pattern shows a consistent decline in fertility as income rises, Libya’s
distribution is far more inconsistent. At lower income ranges (0-5,000
USD), fertility remains exceptionally high and stable, averaging around
seven babies per woman - higher than the global median for similar
income groups. Interestingly, at the highest income bracket
(20,000-35,000 USD), fertility unexpectedly rebounds to about eight
babies per woman - an unseen bouncing back in other three countries.
This rare phenomenon can be traced back to Libya’s complicated economic and political history. The discovery of oil in the 1950s transformed Libya from a poor desert nation into one of Africa’s richest economies. But, wealth distribution remained uneven and largely dependent on state control, resulting in a big gap in standards of living between urban and rural people. During Gaddafi’s rule, expanded healthcare and education gradually lowered birth rates, but regional inequality and conservative norms maintained strong variations. The unexpected fertility rebound among the highest-income group may be explained by Libya’s government policy and subsidies that Libya’s oil wealth financed free healthcare, education, housing, and child benefits, removing much of the financial pressure associated with raising children. In other words, financial security removes the economic constraints that limit family size in other countries’ societies, allowing wealthy households to maintain high fertility while still maintaining a comfortable living conditions.
5.4 Gini And Babies Per Woman
Tunisia’s unique patterns:
The box plot of Tunisia displays a noticeably wider variation in
fertility within the 40-50 Gini coefficient range compared to the global
pattern. While most countries show a more moderate fertility rate under
this level of income inequality - around 5 to 7 babies, Tunisia’s data
reveals extreme dispersion - stretching from as low as two to above six
babies per woman, followed by multiple outliers.
Historically, this divergence can be traced back to the country’s uneven modernization after independence. Tunisia’s early adoption of family planning in the 1960s and its rapid expansion of female education sharply lowered fertility in urban and coastal areas. However, the inland and rural regions were left behind, remaining culturally conservative. As a result, families in wealthier urban centers followed small-family norms, while those in poorer rural communities continued traditional high-birth patterns. The abundance of outliers and the wide range in this Gini bracket thus reflect Tunisia’s dual social reality - a modern, low-fertility elite coexisting with an undeveloped population still followed by large-family structures, both shaped by decades of uneven development and regional inequality.
6. CONCLUSION
This study of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Sudan reveals how income development strongly influences health outcomes across North Africa. Over time, all four countries have shifted from low-income, high-fertility, and low-life-expectancy societies to more developed economies with longer lifespans and smaller families-especially after the 1950s, when independence, education, and healthcare reforms accelerated change.
Overall, higher income levels and household earnings are closely linked to improved life expectancy and lower fertility rates. However, the relationship is not uniform. Libya’s oil-driven boom and Tunisia’s persistent inequality show that economic growth alone does not ensure better health for all. The Gini index proves crucial where inequality remains high, health outcomes improve more slowly.
In short, rising income is a key driver of health progress, but its impact depends on how evenly wealth is shared and how effectively governments invest in human development. North Africa’s experience demonstrates that true progress requires not just growth, but inclusive and equitable growth.
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